Sunday, November 25, 2012

250 Years Ago ... Why the Big Secret?

 *Part of my continuing blog series leading up to the 250th anniversary of the founding of St. Louis in February 2014.

 On November 23, 1762 France and Spain signed the Treaty of Fontainebleau whereby France ceded control of Louisiana to Spain.  This fact, however, remained secret for a few years; news didn't make its way up the Mississippi until 1764.  Spain, in fact, would not take over governance of Louisiana until 1766.  

As I was researching the history of the Treaty, I kept looking for a simple explanation for why the treaty was secret.  I assumed that in any given history book, there would be a quick explanation of the strategy that France and Spain were pursuing in keeping the treaty secret.


Surprisingly, there is little discussion of this. Most historians simply referred to the treaty as the "secret" Treaty of Fontainebleau if they referred to the secret at all.  Perhaps looking at it through the eyes of Anglo-centric history, as we often do, it was just one of those things that France and Spain did.  France was the historic enemy, it couldn't be trusted, so OF COURSE it secretly gave the land west of the Mississippi to Spain.  Or, another way to look at it, was that Louisiana was the price that France had to pay to Spain in order to make peace; keeping it a secret saved everybody's face.  Other historians imply that, after the war, Spain was in a better financial position to maintain the barrier between Britain and its own silver mines in Mexico, which might have been true but doesn't explain why it had to be secret.  

Another theory is that maintaining and strengthening the "Family Compact"between the Bourbon King of France and the Bourbon King of Spain was part of France's long term strategy for rebuilding after the war and eventually waging war, again, on Britain.  The cession of Louisiana to Spain helped strengthen that tie. Perhaps that is why it had to be kept secret.  If France's strategy was to simply rebuild, strengthen its alliances and come back against Britain as soon as possible, it is reasonable that they wouldn't want to let Britain in on any part of that strategy too soon.

W.J. Eccles, the noted Canadian historian, buys into the Family Compact theory.  He believes that France's main goal in ending the Seven Years war was to make peace in such a way that they could rebuild their army and navy in as fast a time as possible, consolidate their alliance with Spain, and eventually become strong enough to wage war again in the hope of restoring the balance of power in the world and stop the growth of the ever mightier British Empire. 

Eccles is one of the few historians I've read who is specific about France's view of the role of Britain's North American colonies in their plans. (See his essays, The Role of the American Colonies in Eighteenth -Century French Foreign Policy, and The Social, Economic, and Political Significance of the Military Establishment in New France.)   In his view, by as early as 1710 the French saw the Anglo Americans, and their independent way of thinking, as a source of trouble for the British.  The chief minister for the French North American colonies, hearing a rumor that the people of New England had established "a sort of Republic" in which they were "unwilling to accept the absolute governors of the Kings of England" wrote to the Governor of Canada to tell him of Louis XIV's approval of this state of affairs and his encouragement for Canada to join with the "Council of Boston" to aid it in this endeavor.  Of course this plan came to naught, but it is interesting that the despot, Louis XIV, was willing to encourage a republic in North America if it meant a thorn in the side of Britain.  

By mid-century, according to Eccles, observers were saying that the only thing keeping the Anglo American colonies tied to Britain was a fear of the French and Indians along the inland borders.  He quotes a 1748 letter by the Swedish botanist Peter Kalm:
The English colonies in North America, in the space of thirty or fifty years, would be able to form a state by themselves entirely independent of Old England.  But as the whole country which lies along the seashore is unguarded, and on the land side harassed by the French, these dangerous neighbours in time of war are sufficient to prevent the connection of the colonies with their mother country from being quite broken off. 
The French never saw their own North American colonies as profitable and constantly questioned whether they should continue with them.  However, the French did not want to see the British spread out across the entire North American continent, as far west as New Spain and the silver mines of Mexico.   In France's view, imperial Britain already had too much power.  Control of the entire North American continent by the British would be intolerable.  Hence, French policy in the 1700's was to use its North American colonies to keep the British hemmed in along the Atlantic seaboard. 

The fall of Canada in the Seven Years War shattered this policy.  By war's end the British were poised to keep Canada and all the land east of the Mississippi River.  What was the reaction of France to the fall of Canada itself?  They simply switched to Plan B.  After all, the concern wasn't Canada, the concern was defeating that old enemy Britain.
The reaction in France to these events is revealing.  The King's only concern was over the fact that his troops had been obliged to lay down their arms without receiving the honours of war. That concerned him greatly; the loss of half a continent and the fate of his Canadian subjects concerned him not at all.  Nor did his chief minister, the single-minded duc de Choiseul, appear dismayed at the unexpected turn of events.  Even before Quebec fell a senior official in the ministry of marine, the marquis de Capellis, had advised the abandonment of Canada when the time came to negotiate for peace, since to do so would lead to the ruin of Britain by bringing on the defection of her American colonies. With the acquisition of Canada, he argued, those colonies would soon surpass old England in wealth, and indubitably they would then throw off the yoke of the metropolis ...
As the war came to a close, and the duc de Choiseul prepared to negotiate a peace treaty with Britain, according to Eccles, he informed the French ambassador to Spain that he was going to "insist on the abandonment of Canada in order to drive a rift between England and her colonies."

The British were not unaware of the danger.  According to Eccles, in 1761 Lord Bedford, a British diplomat in Paris, had written home:
I don't know whether the neighbourhood of the French to our North American colonies was not the greatest security for their dependence on the mother country, which I feel will be slighted by them when their apprehension of the French is removed.
 But the Anglo Americans wanted Canada to be retained; they had fought hard for victory and they wanted their spoils. They put pressure on Britain and, in the end, Canada was not returned to France. 

The French clearly recognized at an early point that if they removed themselves from North America entirely, there might be adverse consequences to Britain as her own colonies became too independent.  As part of its own plan to rebuild itself and Spain, while at the same time doing what it could to weaken Britain, France decided to give up all of its colonies in North America.   Giving up Louisiana may, therefore, have had two purposes:  to strengthen the Family Compact with Spain and to remove France completely from the New World so that the Anglo Americans could focus exclusively on the issues they had with their mother country. 

Nineteen years later, in 1781, a combined army consisting of the Continental Army troops led by George Washington and French troops led by the Comte de Rochambeau, with aid from the rebuilt French fleet from the West Indies commanded by the Comte de Grasse, and troops from the Continental Army led by the Marquis de Lafayette,  defeated the British Army of General Cornwallis at Yorktown.  The French had achieved their goal; North America would not be British. 

Across the international boundary line that was the Mississippi River, the French residents of St. Louis living under Spanish rule cheered the victory.


Friday, November 23, 2012

250 Years Ago ... 11/23/1762 The Treaty of Fontainebleau

 *Part of my continuing blog series leading up to the 250th anniversary of the founding of St. Louis in February 2014.


On November 23, 1762, King Carlos of Spain finally got around to accepting the gift of Louisiana from France.    The Treaty of Fontainebleau made it official.



But shhhhhh.  Don't tell anyone.  It's still a secret from most of the world, including Louisiana.


Definite Act of Cession of Louisiana by the King of France to the King of Spain

Louis, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting:  Whereas our very dear and well beloved cousin, the Duke de Choiseul, peer of our realm, knight of our orders and of the golden fleece, lieutenant-general of our armies, governor of Tourraine, colonel-general of the Swiss and Grisons, grandmaster and super-intendant general of the posts and relays of France, our minister and secretary of state for the departments of war and marine and the correspondence with the courts of Madrid and Lisbon, did sign, in our name, with the Marquis de Grimaldi, knight of our orders, gentleman of the chamber, in exercise of our very dear and well beloved brother and cousin, the Catholic king, and his ambassador extraordinary near us, a preliminary convention, whereby, in order to give our said brother and cousin a new testimonial of our tender friendship, of the strong interest which we take in satisfying him and promoting the welfare of his crown, and of our sincere desire to strengthen and render indissoluble the bonds which unite the French and Spanish nations, we ceded to him entire and perpetual possession of all the country known under the name of Louisiana, together with New-Orleans and the island in which that city stands, which convention had only been signed conditionally and sub sperati by the Marquis de Grimaldi: and whereas our said brother and cousin, the Catholic king, animated with the same sentiments toward us which we have evinced on this occasion, has agreed to the said cession, and ratified the conditional acceptation made by his said ambassador extraordinary, which convention and ratification are here inserted word for word, as follows:

Don Carlos, by the grace of God King of Castile, of Leon, of Arragon, of the two Sicilies, of Jerusalem, of Navarre, of Granada, of Toledo, of Valencia, of Gallicia, of Majorca, of Seville, of Sardinia, of Algesiras, of Gibralter, of the Canary Islands, of the East and West Indies, and the islands and main land of the ocean, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, of Brabant and Milan, Count of Hapsburg, of Flanders, of Tyrol, and of Barcelona, lord of Biscay, and of Molina, etc.

Whereas, on the third day of the present month, the preliminaries of a peace, were signed between the crowns of Spain and France, on the one part, and those of England and Portugal on the other, and the most Christian king, my very dear and well beloved cousin, purely from the nobleness of his heart, and the love and friendship in which we live, thought proper to dispose that the Marquis de Grimaldi, my ambassador extraordinary near his royal person, and the Duke de Choiseul, his minister of state, should on the same day sign a convention by which the crown of France ceded immediately to that of Spain, the country known by the name of Louisiana, together with New-Orleans and the island in which that city stands, and by which, said ambassador agrees to the cession only conditionally sub sperati, as he is not furnished with orders to execute it absolutely; the tenor of which convention is the following:

The most Christian king being firmly resolved to strengthen and perpetuate the bonds of tender amity which unite him to his cousin, the Catholic king, proposes in consequence to act with his Catholic majesty at all times  and in all circumstances, in a perfect uniformity of principles, for the common glory of their house and the reciprocal interests of their kingdoms.

With this view, his most Christian majesty, being fully sensible of the sacrifices made by the Catholic king in generously uniting with him for the restoration of peace, desires, on this occasion, to give him a proof of the strong interest which he takes in satisfying him and affording advantages to his crown.

The most Christian king has accordingly authorized his minister, the Duke de Choiseul, to deliver up to the Marquis de Grimaldi, the ambassador of the Catholic king, in the most authentic form, an act whereby his most Christian majesty cedes in entire possession, purely and simply, without exception, to his Catholic majesty and his successors, in perpetuity, all the country known under the name Louisiana, as well as New-Orleans and the island in which that place stands.

But as the Marquis de Grimaldi is not informed with sufficient precision of the intentions of his Catholic majesty, he has thought proper only to accept the said cession conditionally, and sub sperati  until he receives the orders expected by him from the king, his master, which, if conformable with the desires of his most Christian majesty, as he hopes they will be, will be followed by the authentic act of cession of the said country; stipulating also the measures and the time, to be fixed by common accord, for the evacuation of Louisiana and New-Orleans, by the subjects of his most Christian majesty, and for the possession of the same by those of his Catholic majesty.

In testimony whereof, we, the respective ministers, have signed the present preliminary convention, and have affixed to it the seals of our arms.

Done at Fontainebleu, on the third of November, one thousand seven hundred and sixty two.

THE DUKE DE CHOUISEUL
THE MARQUIS DE GRIMALDI

Therefore in order to establish between the Spanish and French nations the spirit of union and friendship which should subsist as they do in the hearts of their sovereigns, I, therefore, take pleasure, in accepting, as I do accept, in proper form, the said act of cession, promising to accept those which hereafter may be judged necessary for carrying it into entire and formal execution, and authorizing the said Marquis de Grimaldi to treat, conclude and sign them.

In testimony whereof, I have ordered these presents to be drawn up, signed by my hand, sealed with my privy seal, and countersigned by my counselor of state and chief secretary of state and war.  Given at San Lorenzo et Real on the thirteenth of November, seventeen hundred and sixty-two.

I, the King

(countersigned) Ricardo Wall.
The said acceptance and ratification having been approved by us, and regarded as a strong evidence of the friendship and goodwill of our very dear and well-beloved cousin, the Catholic king, we renew and confirm by these presents, the cession of Louisiana and New-Orleans, with the island in which that city stands, promising immediately to conclude with our said brother and cousin a convention, in which the measures to be taken in concert for executing and consummating this session to our mutual satisfaction will be fixed by common accord. In faith whereof, we have caused these presents to be drawn up, which we have signed with our hands, and have affixed to them our secret seal.

Given at Versailles, on the twenty-third day of the month of November, in the year of grace one thousand seven hundred and sixty-two, and of our reign the forty-eighth.

Louis

(by the King)

Choiseul, Duke de Praslin

Sunday, November 18, 2012

I Recommend Robertson Davies

I'm in one of my reading slumps these days.  I've started two or three books but I just can't find the time or the energy or the will to finish them. Life should get better in November December (I hope) so I can get back to reading for pleasure.

Someone (I wish I could remember who) mentioned Robertson Davies the other day and I've been thinking of re-reading some of his novels.  Maybe I'll do that after the first of the year.

If you haven't read him, you should.

"Oho, now I know what you are. You are an advocate of Useful Knowledge."

"Certainly."

"You say that a man's first job is to earn a living, and that the first task of education is to equip him for that job."

"Of course."

"Well, allow me to introduce myself to you as an advocate of Ornamental Knowledge. You like the mind to be a neat machine, equipped to work efficiently, if narrowly, and with no extra bits or useless parts. I like the mind to be a dustbin of scraps of brilliant fabric, odd gems, worthless but fascinating curiosities, tinsel, quaint bits of carving, and a reasonable amount of healthy dirt. Shake the machine and it goes out of order; shake the dustbin and it adjusts itself beautifully to its new position."


Robertson Davies from his novel Tempest-Tost

Sunday, November 11, 2012

November 11


I spent this year reading many books set during and immediately after World War I.   On the 11th hour of the 11th day of the 11th month of 1918 the carnage ended.  Wilfred Owen was one of the poet/solders of World War I.  

Owen died on November 3, 1918 and news of his death reached his family on Armistice Day.  His poetry was published posthumously.

Dulce Et Decorum Est

Bent double, like old beggars under sacks,
Knock-kneed, coughing like hags, we cursed through sludge,
Till on the haunting flares we turned our backs
And towards our distant rest began to trudge.
Men marched asleep. Many had lost their boots
But limped on, blood-shod. All went lame; all blind;
Drunk with fatigue; deaf even to the hoots
Of disappointed shells that dropped behind.

GAS! Gas! Quick, boys!-- An ecstasy of fumbling,
Fitting the clumsy helmets just in time;
But someone still was yelling out and stumbling
And floundering like a man in fire or lime.--
Dim, through the misty panes and thick green light
As under a green sea, I saw him drowning.

In all my dreams, before my helpless sight,
He plunges at me, guttering, choking, drowning.

If in some smothering dreams you too could pace
Behind the wagon that we flung him in,
And watch the white eyes writhing in his face,
His hanging face, like a devil's sick of sin;
If you could hear, at every jolt, the blood
Come gargling from the froth-corrupted lungs,
Obscene as cancer, bitter as the cud
Of vile, incurable sores on innocent tongues,--
My friend, you would not tell with such high zest
To children ardent for some desperate glory,
The old Lie: Dulce et decorum est
Pro patria mori.

Wilfred Owen


Saturday, November 3, 2012

250 Years Ago ... November 3, 1762

 *Part of my continuing blog series leading up to the 250th anniversary of the founding of St. Louis in February 2014.

On November 3, 1762 the representative of Louis, the most Christian king, finally managed to convince the representative of Carlos, the most Catholic king, that they could work a deal to put Spain and France in a position to end the war with Britain.  The most Christian king, understanding completely the sacrifices that his dear relative, the most Catholic king, was going to make in giving up Florida to the British in order to get back Havana, was willing to do something really nice for him.

And, thus, the most Christian king betrayed his subjects then living in Louisiana.

Preliminary Convention between the Kings of France and Spain for the Session of Louisiana to the Latter

The most Christian king being firmly resolved to strengthen and perpetuate the bonds of tender amity which unite him to his cousin, the Catholic king, proposes in consequence to act with his Catholic majesty at all times and in all circumstances, in a perfect uniformity of principles, for the common glory of their house and the reciprocal interests of their kingdoms.

With this view, his most Christian majesty, being fully sensible of the sacrifices made by the Catholic king, in generously uniting with him for the restoration of peace, desires, on this occasion, to give him a proof of the strong interest which he takes in satisfying him and affording advantages to his crown.

The most Christian king has accordingly authorized his minister, the Duke de Choiseul, to deliver to the Marquius de Grimaldi, the ambassador of the Catholic king, in the most authentic form, an act, whereby his most Christian majesty cedes in entire possession, purely and simply, without exception, to his Catholic majesty and his successors, in perpetuity, all the country known as Louisiana, as well as New-Orleans and the island in which that place stands.

But as the Marquis de Grimaldi is not informed with sufficient precision of the intentions of his Catholic majesty, he has thought proper only to accept the said cession conditionally, and sub spe rati [under expectation that it will be ratified] until he receives the orders expected by him from the king, his master, which, if conformable with the desires of his most Christian majesty, as he hopes they will be, will be followed by the authentic act of cession of the said country; stipulating also the measures and the time, to be fixed by common accord, for the evacuation of Louisiana and New-Orleans, by the subjects of his most Christian majesty, and for the possession of the same by those of his Catholic majesty.

In testimony whereof, we, the respective ministers, have signed the present preliminary convention, and have affixed to it the seals of our arms.

Done at Fontainebleu, on the third of November, one thousand seven hundred and sixty two.

THE DUKE DE CHOUISEUL
THE MARQUIS DE GRIMALDI

(a true copy from the original)

THE DUKE DE CHOUISEUL

____________
Notes:

French, Benjamin Franklin. Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, from the first settlement of the colony to the departure of Governor O'Reilly in 1770 (1853, Lamport Blakeman and Law) ebook version

Wednesday, October 31, 2012

250 Years Ago ... Meanwhile, Back in France ...

 *Part of my continuing blog series leading up to the 250th anniversary of the founding of St. Louis in February 2014.
 
As October turned into November in 1762, France, Britain and Spain were almost ready to agree on preliminary articles of peace to bring the war to an end.

Britain had undoubtedly won the war and France and Spain had lost.  In North America Britain had taken Canada, St. Lucia and the valuable sugar islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe.  In India the British had taken Chandalore and Pondicherry and, in Africa, trading posts in Senegal, the island of Goree and on the Gambia.  In Europe the French army was defeated in its bid to defeat Prussia and the French navy was decimated.  A bankrupt France was ready to come to terms with a war-weary Britain.

Although Spain had managed to stay neutral through much of the war, it had eventually grown alarmed by Britain's conquests and entered the war in 1762 allied with its relative, France, against Britain.  In June Britain landed forces in Cuba and laid seige to Havana.  By August Havana belonged to Britain as well as all the Mexican bullion stored there.  Likewise, in July the British began the invasion of Manila and by October were in control.  Despite these losses, Spain was not yet ready to concede defeat.

Prior to Spain entering the war, Britain had been engaged in behind-the-scenes negotiations with France to end the war.  By late fall of 1762 the duc de Choiseul, France's principal negotiator, had worked out the outlines of a treaty that would be incredibly generous to France and, incredibly, would allow for a relatively quick post-war recovery of naval power.  France had every incentive to take these terms as quickly as possible before William Pitt, former prime minister and hawk, could negotiate a return to power in Britain.  Although France would be forced to give up Canada as well as its East Indies and African trading posts, it would keep its profitable sugar islands and Louisiana.

Spain was not pleased that France was ready to capitulate.

Havana was Spain's most important port in the Caribbean, the "Key to the New World".  Spain was not going to agree to give up Havana permanently.  On the other hand, Britain was not going to give up a prize as great as  Havana without gaining something.

As historian Fred Anderson sees it, the solution came through French diplomacy.   France needed to make a deal with Spain that would allow Spain to come to terms with Britain.

Choiseul's ingenious answer to this puzzle had three parts. France would give Spain its last remaining territory in North America, Louisiana; Spain would surrender Florida (that is, the territory from the Mississippi to Georgia) to Britain; Britain would return Havana to Spain. In this way Spain would lose its claim to a sparsely inhabited, commercially unprofitable coastal plain and recover the Key to the New World and its trade. As a reward for its cooperation Spain would gain title to the western half of North America, access to the continent's interior via the Mississippi River, and possession of the valuable port of New Orleans.  True, France would bid adieu to the rest of its North American holdings; but, as Choiseul understood, the colony of Louisiana had little population and no conceivable value to France if its destiny were to become a buffer between the demographically vital British colonies and the North American holdings of a disgruntled Spain. And Britain would gain undisputed control of the eastern half of North America -- a prize glittering enough to satisfy even the most rabid imperialists in the House of Commons.
In the early days of November, 1762, Britain was signaling that it was ready to make a deal.  France was working both sides behind the scenes.  Pens were poised to put the various parts of the deal on to paper.  It was just a matter of a little more time for French diplomacy to work.

_________
Notes:

Anderson, Fred.  Crucible of War: The Seven Years War and the Fate of Empire in British North America 1754-1766.

Fowler, William M.  Empires at War:  The French and Indian War and the Struggle for North America, 1754-1763

Taylor, Alan.  American Colonies: The Settling of North America.

Sunday, October 28, 2012

250 Years Ago ... Introducing Pierre Laclede

 *Part of my continuing blog series leading up to the 250th anniversary of the founding of St. Louis in February 2014.

In 1762 the only news that was reaching New Orleans was bad news.  Canada had surrendered to Britain two years previously and since then Louisiana had been braced for an attack that never came. In September of 1762 the fishing fleet would have brought in the news that Havana had fallen to the British in August.  Havana was the most important Spanish harbor in the Spanish West Indies.  And although Louisiana would not know it for many months, by October of 1762 Britain had also taken Manila from Spain.  Britain now controlled the most important Spanish port in both the West Indies and the East Indies.  It looked as if Britain was on track to conquer the known world.

The Governor of Louisiana in 1762 was Louis Billouart, Chevalier de Kerlerec.  Appointed ten years earlier in 1752, Kerlerec had one of the most thankless jobs in the French Empire.  Although every Governor before him had dealt with seemingly insurmountable problems, within two years of his arrival in Louisiana war broke out with the English and Kerlerec's problems reached epic scale.  As historian Frederick Fausz has written:

Versailles considered [Louisiana] to be a financial sinkhole with few prospects for economic solvency or social stability.  France's neglect was symbolized by the failure to conduct a census for twenty-six years and the lack of responses to 162 urgent messages sent by Kerlerec in an 18-month period.  The Ministry of Marine only dispatched ships to Louisiana in even numbered years during the French and Indian War, so Kerlerec received a mere seven official dispatches from 1760 to 1762.

Lacking support from Versailles and expecting an attack any day, Kerlerec was forced to seek other means to finance the protection of the colony, working through the merchants of the City of New Orleans who had profited throughout the war from smuggling operations.  Kerlerec, like every Governor before him, knew that the viability of the colony depended on the goodwill of the Indian allies along the Mississippi and the Gulf coast.   The Indian culture required that expensive "gifts" be exchanged between allies.  In vain would every Governor of Louisiana write to Versailles pleading for the necessary goods to keep the Indians attached to the French.  When Versailles did not come through, and with war on his doorstep, Kerlerec turned to the merchants for assistance.

But Kerlerec was also thinking about the future.  He looked to trade as a way to put Louisiana on an independent footing after the war so that it would not be so dependent on convoys from France, which arrived late if they arrived at all.

The most prominent  merchant in New Orleans in the 1760's was Gilbert Antoine de St. Maxent (known simply as Maxent) who had made a fortune as a successful Indian trader.  Maxent seems to have been the type of successful businessman who, in modern corporate-speak, looked on problems as "challenges" and "opportunities".  Although it could not be known what would happen to Canada after the war, Kerlerec and Maxent chose to look on the fall of Canada as an "opportunity" for Louisiana and her merchants.  Until this time, the most lucrative part of the French fur trade had always flowed north, through Montreal.  Even the furs of the Illinois Country were mostly sent north.  But now, if France was to have a fur trade at all, it would need to flow south through New Orleans, at least temporarily while the war continued.  And if Britain kept Canada, the key to the entire trade would lay in Louisiana which encompassed a vast area both east and west of the Mississippi River, particularly along the Missouri River.

Kerlerec was fairly knowledgeable about trade along the Missouri River because his brother-in-law, Pierre-Joseph Neyon de Villiers, was the commander at Fort de Chartres in the Illinois Country (and, unlike today, "Illinois" in 1762 meant everything north of the Ohio and south of the Illinois River both east and west of the Mississippi).  Kerlerec knew that the Osage Indians were the principal power south of the Missouri River and further west.  The Osage visited Fort de Chartres; they had fought on the French side at Fort Duquesne in 1755.  But not enough attention had been paid to them so far.  The French had established two forts along the Missouri River in the 1700's, north of the principal lands of the Osage, but neither had been successful as trading enterprises.   Maxent and Kerlerec decided that they now had the "opportunity" to remedy that.

In 1762, Kerlerec took a bold step without asking for royal authority.  He granted a newly established enterprise called Maxent, Laclede et Compagnie the exclusive trade with all Indian nations lying west of the Mississippi River.  The grant would last for six years and would extend all the way to the source of the Mississippi in Minnesota, but the real goal was to develop trade along the Missouri River with the Osage.  Although in the past, the French crown had granted trade monopolies, the current policy in Louisiana was one of free trade. The grant of the monopoly was in violation of this policy but when Fort de Cavagnial on the Missouri had been established in 1744, a similar 6 month monopoly had been issued in violation of the policy, so there was precedent.  As the reason for granting this monopoly, Kerlerec said that only Maxent had the capital necessary to undertake and finance such an endeavor, which would bring great profit to the colony.

But who was the Laclede of Maxent, Laclede et Compagnie?

Pierre Laclede was born on November 22, 1729 in Bearn, France, the son of a lawyer, Pierre de Laclede Sr., and his wife Magdeleine D'Espoey D'Arance.   Pierre was one of seven children. Although he was from the landed class, there were merchants in his family background.

In accordance with his family's tradition, as the second son he added the word Liquest to his name.  Always signing his name "Laclede Liquest" he would confuse future non-French historians of St. Louis.  J. Frederick Fausz, in his Founding of St. Louis:  First City of the New West writes:

By family tradition, the second son appended the word Liguest to the surname, signifying his rights to revenues from the Lacledes' grove of willow trees (ligus or saligues in Bearnais) near the village of Athas, just south of [his village of] Bedous on the opposite side of the Gave d'Aspe.  Liguest was similar to the word cadet (second son) in identifying birth order in families, and all cadets in Bearn were "promised a portion [of property or money] in return for renouncing their rights' of inheritance, according to the principle of The House.
Laclede was well educated  He was a student for a time at the Jesuit college in Pau and then later at the military college in Toulouse.  In his twenties Pierre served with the "home guard".  Then, in 1755, he suddenly emigrated to Louisiana.  According to Fausz, he sailed on the ship La Concorde from the port of La Rochelle.

No one seems able to explain what caused Pierre Laclede to emigrate to Louisiana.  He was a second son and, hence, not in line to inherit.  He didn't seem interested in his father's profession of law.  It would not have been unusual for him to set out to make his way in the world. But Fausz points out that Laclede's decision was unusual as very few people from Bearn emigrated to North America and even fewer went to Louisiana.  Fausz speculates that Laclede might have been recruited to go to Louisiana by a New Orleans merchant firm. There is no evidence, though, that he knew Maxent before he arrived in Louisiana.

Laclede left home just at the start of the Seven Years War and when he arrived in Nouvelle Orleans he became a part of the local militia.  His regimental commander was Maxent.  Maxent was also born in France and was also very well educated.  Perhaps that was why they became friends.

By 1759 Laclede seems to have been acting as an independent merchant.  Perhaps, as a merchant, he left New Orleans and went on trading expeditions to the Indians.  If so, that part of his life seems to have escaped his biographers.  I have seen no one claim that Laclede had any direct Indian experience before his experience with the Osage in Missouri.

According to a United States Supreme Court Case, it has been alleged that, in 1760, Pierre Laclede and Pierre Songy had some kind of right to a piece of coastal property in present day Deer Island Mississippi.   (US v.Power's Heirs, 52 US 570 (1850))

Fausz, in his history of St. Louis, does a good job of looking into the kind of life Laclede would have lived in France and analyzing why that background would serve him so well in the newly founded St. Louis.  But neither he, nor any other historian I've read, can explain why Maxent would choose to partner with Laclede on this venture when there were certainly many men with years of experience in the Illinois Country, on both sides of the Mississippi, who would have been pleased to have had this opportunity.

In Maxent, Laclede et Compagnie,  Maxent would finance the expedition and provide the necessary trade goods and presents for the Indians; Laclede would be the man on the ground who would actually travel to Upper Louisiana and begin to trade in that part of the Illinois Country that lay west of the Mississippi.  Although the expedition would not be ready to leave New Orleans until the summer convoy left in August, 1763, Maxent would have started in 1762 to begin the process of procuring the necessary goods.  

I imagine Pierre Laclede, 250 years ago, was beginning to think about the long journey he was to take up the Mississippi with anticipation and maybe even a little dread.





September Reading

 I've been involved in a BlueSky reading group of a novel that has taken up a lot of time this month (and is not yet finished).  I haven...